Vol. XXXIII Issue 2
Article 3
DOI:10.35407/bag.2022.33.02.03
ARTÍCULOS ORIGINALES
Knowledge about genetics and trust in genetic testing in a mid-size city
in Argentina
Conocimiento sobre
genética y confianza en pruebas genéticas en una ciudad de tamaño medio en
Argentina
Mendoza M.1 *
Mazza B.2
Cabana G.S.3
Smith L.4
Di Fabio Rocca F.5
Delfino H.6
Martínez C.6
1 Global &
International Studies, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI, USA.
2 Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones
Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET) - Instituto Nacional de Antropología y
Pensamiento Latinoamericano (INAPL), Buenos Aires, Argentina.
3 Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee-Knoxville, TN, USA.
4 School for the Future of Innovation in Society, Arizona State
University, Tempe, AZ, USA.
5 Departamento de
Antropología, Universidad de Buenos Aires - Universidad Maimónides - CONICET, Buenos
Aires, Argentina.
6 Departamento de
Ciencias Básicas - Universidad Nacional de Luján, Luján, Argentina.
* Corresponding author: Mendoza, M. marcela.mendoza@wmich.edu
ORCID 0000-0001-8163-8986
ABSTRACT
Public attitudes
about genetics appear to depend on the local context. We analyzed survey
responses obtained in 2015 from 293 residents of Luján, a city in the province
of Buenos Aires, Argentina, who self-assessed their knowledge about genetics
and their trust in genetic tests. The survey integrated a larger research
project for which consenting adult participants shared demographic and
genealogical information and provided saliva samples for genetic ancestry
analyses. Participants reported little knowledge but high trust in genetic
testing when questioned about knowledge and trust. Well-known media stories of
DNA-based forensic genetic investigations to identify the victims of state
repression during the military dictatorship may have contributed to the high
self-assessment of their genetic knowledge expressed by some participants,
regardless of educational attainment. Our analysis provides information that
could be used as a baseline to begin unraveling the current level of public
trust in genetics in a region of the Global South where genetic testing has
become widespread, but people’s knowledge of and trust in genetics remain
poorly studied.
Key words: Genetic tests,
Knowledge, Public attitudes, Trust.
RESUMEN
Las actitudes del público sobre la genética parecen depender del
contexto local. Analizamos las respuestas de una encuesta suministrada en 2015
a 293 residentes de Luján, una ciudad de la provincia de Buenos Aires,
Argentina, quienes autoevaluaron su conocimiento sobre genética y su confianza
en las pruebas genéticas. La encuesta integraba un proyecto de investigación
más amplio en el que los adultos participantes que dieron su consentimiento
compartieron información demográfica y genealógica y proporcionaron muestras de
saliva para un estudio de ancestría genética. Cuando se les preguntó sobre su
conocimiento y confianza, los participantes informaron tener poco conocimiento
sobre genética, pero mucha confianza en las pruebas genéticas. Historias muy
conocidas de los medios de comunicación sobre investigaciones genéticas
forenses basadas en el ADN para identificar a las víctimas de la represión
estatal durante la dictadura militar pueden haber contribuido a la alta
autoevaluación del propio conocimiento genético manifestado por algunos
participantes, independientemente de su nivel educativo. Nuestro análisis
proporciona información que podría utilizarse como base para comenzar a
desentrañar los niveles actuales de confianza pública en la genética en una
región del Sur Global donde las pruebas genéticas se han generalizado, pero el
conocimiento y confianza de las personas sobre genética están poco estudiados.
Palabras clave: Pruebas genéticas, Conocimiento, Actitudes comunitarias, Confianza.
Received: 05/18/2022
Revised version 1 received: 07/20/2022
Revised version 2 received: 08/02/2022
Accepted: 08/10/2022
General Editor: Elsa Camadro
INTRODUCTION
Genetic testing is
becoming more accessible and widely used everywhere, and researchers are now
more interested than before in evaluating community awareness and attitudes
about genetics in the public. These studies are often designed to give a better
understanding of what factors influence public perspectives on testing and people’s
reactions to new medical technologies based on genomics (e.g., Bates, 2005; Molster et al., 2009; Bםrף et al., 2020; Wang et al., 2021). Studies of attitudes about genetic testing from a
public health perspective often aim to understand whether (and under what
conditions) receiving information about genes could influence people’s
health-related behaviors (e.g., Dar-Nimrod et al., 2018; Eum et al., 2018; Peterson et al., 2018; Alvord et al., 2020). Other studies aim to inform the public about
privacy regarding healthcare procedures and to assess public opinion on
potential outcomes of commercializing technology-based healthcare products
(e.g., Horn et al., 2011; Gibbon, 2016; Raz et al.,
2020; Gerdes et al.,
2021).
Recent literature
reviews on knowledge and trust in genetics highlighted that people everywhere
generally have positive attitudes about genetic testing that persist even if
knowledge about genetics is self-described as low. However, public attitudes
could vary according to the technologies and purposes for which genetic
knowledge is applied (Condit, 2001, 2010; Etchegary et al., 2009; Chapman et al., 2019; ASHG, 2020; Calabrò et al., 2020). Earlier research on public attitudes about genetics
was conducted with the assumption that attitudes would be stable and
unequivocal rather than context-dependent and biased (Condit, 2010). However,
more recent crosssectional studies have uncovered differences in public
knowledge and attitudes across multi-year periods (e.g., Henneman et al., 2013). Thus, local sociocultural characteristics and local
history could shape individual attitudes over time. Context and local history
would have a lasting influence in people’s trust in genetics (Cunningham-Burley,
2006; Jonassaint et al.,
2010; Canedo et al.,
2019). Researchers have
employed various sampling techniques to study public knowledge about genetics
and public views on genetic testing, such as convenience sampling (Etchegary et
al., 2013; Arafah et al., 2021) and randomized studies (Jallinjoa and Aro, 2000; Haga et al., 2013;LePoire et al., 2019; Wang et al., 2021). Likewise, researchers have employed data collection
instruments, such as telephone interviews (Molster et al., 2009), postal surveys (Etchegary et al., 2009),
online surveys (Dye et al., 2016; Arafah et al., 2021), focus groups (Bates, 2005; Schumann et al., 2021), Likertscale questionnaires administered during
in-person interviews (Chokoshvili et al., 2017; Kvaratskhelia et al., 2021), or self-administered surveys with fixed-choice and
open-ended items (Jonassaint et al., 2010). Like elsewhere, genetic
testing integrated into healthrelated strategies is increasingly available in
Argentina (e.g., Penchaszadeh, 2009,
2013; Vishnopolska et al., 2018). Academic researchers have conducted genetic testing
for various ancestry inferences since the 1990s (e.g., Martםnez Marignac et al.,1999; García and Demarchi,
2006; Corach et al.,
2009; Carnese et al.,
2011; Avena et al.,
2012, 2013). However,
genetic ancestry testing to explore individual identities has been far less
common ( García et al., 2016; Spina et al., 2016; Di Fabio Rocca et al., 2018, 2020). Therefore, local results of scholarly
research on genetic ancestry inference were not widely known by the public when
we carried out fieldwork for our project. Our overall project investigated how
recent trends in genetic ancestry research in Argentina interacted with the
participants’ perspectives of national belonging. The study employed a
multi-method research design through the generation, analysis, and
interpretation of genomic and ethnographic data in a mid-size city in the
province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. Over that period, our research team
conducted genetic ancestry analyses, ethnographic interviews, and participant
observation (Mendoza and Cabana, 2019; Cabana et al., 2022; Mendoza et al.,
2022).
This work aims to
explore the participants’ views and self-assessed levels of knowledge and trust
in genetics based on their responses to an in-person survey of adults who
consented to participate in our project. The results of our analysis help to
begin unraveling public attitudes and trust in genetics among urban populations
of Argentina. Additionally, our study provides a preliminary baseline of data
to conduct further research on individual’s level of knowledge and level of
public trust in genetics among other local populations, since this topic
remains poorly studied in the country.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
Research site, population sample, and survey
Our research was
carried out in two historic neighborhoods, locally known as El Centro and Santa
Elena, in Luján (population: 78,346 inhabitants in 2010), a city with a long
colonial history in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, now included in
the megacity of Buenos Aires (Buzai and Montes Galbán, 2020; Buzai et al., 2021).
The national
decennial census divided the city into 87 census tracks. El Centro included 20
census tracks and Santa Elena included three census tracks. We operationalized
the number of randomly selected households in those two historic neighborhoods
using 2010 census tracks described by Buzai (2014) as social maps of the city. The minimum number of
households per track in El Centro was 142 and the maximum in Santa Elena was
419 (the average number of households per track in the targeted neighborhoods
was 274, according to Principi (2021, pers. comm.). The two neighborhoods were
characterized by socioeconomic levels varying from very high and high to medium
(Principi and Buzai, 2020). We attempted to recruit one resident per household
by leaving recruitment letters at 300 randomly selected households, followed by
a personal visit by a research team member. Moreover, the research team made
three consecutive attempts to contact a household resident at different times
of the day before moving to a different address. We also advertised our project
in the local newspaper (Papaleo, 2015), on
social media, and in public places, posting large-size announcements in the
City Hall, the Public Library, and the local University.
Despite our efforts
to engage with residents, many of them did not respond or were reluctant to
participate in our project-which included face-to-face contact with team
members. Those who declined to engage expressed feelings of lack of security at
home, fear of letting anybody in, and overall concern about rising crime levels
in the community. For those interested in participating, we offered to meet in public
places, but most opted for completing our in-person survey and saliva
collection in their homes. A handful of recruitments took place at the local
university. Our field team did not systematically record the censustrack
locations and verbatim opinions voiced by residents who were not interested in
participating in our project. However, we learned some of the reasons expressed
by residents who declined to participate during weekly meetings of the entire
research team in the winter of 2015. Also, we recorded comments made by
participants interested in our project during the initial meeting conducted to
explain the informed consent process. Due to the reasons expressed above, less
than onequarter of the research participants were recruited from the original
randomized sample. Following the same criteria and protocol, we fulfilled any
remaining openings in our stratified quota by word-of-mouth recruitment of
residents of the same neighborhoods whose homes had been previously excluded
from spatial randomization. These self-selected participants may have been
especially moved by an interest in learning more about our project or by a
deeper curiosity about the topic.
Before providing
consent to participate, adult residents who expressed interest in our project
met with a member of the research team and received a thorough explanation
about the topic of genetic ancestry and our research protocols. Consenting
residents later met with a member of the research team to answer the
face-toface survey that we analyzed here (they also gave saliva samples that
were analyzed elsewhere). To ensure demographic representation, the sample was
stratified a priori into seven age cohorts (from 18 to 71-plus) by asking
participants for their chronological ages at the time of recruitment. In
addition, we asked for gender identification as an open-ended question and
found that participants only declared two categories: “woman” or “man”; we then
stratified our sample by these two gender categories. Also, to ensure genomic
representation, we did not accept participants who disclosed close biological
relationships (i.e., immediate kin or first cousins) with any other enrolled
participants. On the survey form, the following was requested: (a) demographic
information (current occupation, educational attainment, birthplace, and length
of residence in Luján), (b) family tree information, and (c) responses to two
ten-point Likert-scale questions that self-assessed overall knowledge of
genetics and level of trust in genetic testing. We asked: “On a scale of 1 (I
know very little) to 10 (I know a lot), what is your level of knowledge of
genetics?” and “On a scale of 1 (I trust very little) to 10 (I trust a lot),
what is your level of trust in the results of a genetic test?”. Thus, participants
self-assessed their understanding of genetics choosing from “no knowledge” to
“perfect knowledge,” and self-assessed their trust in genetic testing choosing
from “no trust” to “a great deal of trust” For this analysis, scores were
assessed in five intervals: null or very low (1-2); low (3-4); medium (5-6);
medium-high (7-8); high (9- 10). Additionally, we recorded any pertinent
comments offered during survey-taking on the back of the survey form. In this
paper, we analyzed the participants’ answers to those two questions and their
brief comments. Our final sample consisted of 293 participants (51% women, 49%
men, aged 18 years and over, Table 1) residing in the same number of
households. Our sample represented 4.6% of all 6,302 households in the targeted
neighborhoods.
Table 1. Participants’
age, educational attainment, and occupation
We calculated the
mode, median and relative frequencies of knowledge of genetics and trust in
genetic testing. Then, Kendall´s Tau-b test (tb) was applied to explore
the degree of association between both variables. Finally, we examined the
relationship between gender, age, educational attainment, and occupation with
the level of knowledge and trust in genetics through Somers’ d test,
considering the first four demographic variables as explanatory variables (Agresti, 2010). Both statistical tests are based on the number of
concordant and discordant pairs of observations. Their values range between -1
and 1, where 1 indicates perfect association independently of the arithmetic
sign. Positive associations indicate a higher frequency of concordant than
discordant pairs, whereas negative values indicate the inverse. Statistical
significance was set at 0.05 using IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows v. 24.0.
RESULTS
Participants
indicated relatively medium knowledge about genetics (Mode= 5; Median= 4.75)
and high levels of trust in genetic testing (Mode= 10; Median= 9) (Figure 1). Knowledge about genetics and trust in genetic
testing were significantly associated, but the level of association was low (tb=
0.117, p= 0.025). Figure 2 shows
that the lowest levels of trust in genetic studies correspond with the lowest
levels of knowledge about genetics. Still, there is no clear correspondence
between the highest levels of both variables. Some participants (n= 41, 14%)
self-reported both null or very low knowledge and a great deal of trust in
genetic testing.
Figure 1. Bar
chart of score frequencies for participants’ knowledge about genetics (A) and
trust in genetic testing (B)
Figure 2. Relationship
between participants’ self-assessed scores for knowledge about genetics and
trust in genetic testing
Educational
attainment was the only demographic variable associated with knowledge about
genetics, but the association level was low (d= 0.139; p= 0.008).
The participants with incomplete elementary school were the only ones that did
not declare a mediumhigh or high knowledge about genetics. In contrast, a large
percentage of the participants with the highest level of education reported to
have none to a low level of knowledge (Figure 3). No
statistically significant associations were found between participants’ level
of educational attainment and trust in genetic testing nor with participants’
knowledge and trust with gender, age, and occupation.
Figure 3. Relationship
between participants’ self-assessed score for knowledge about genetics and
participants’ educational attainment
DISCUSSION
Studies of trust
(interpreted in our survey as confianza) often emphasize the optimistic
acceptance of a vulnerable situation in which the person who trusts believes
the trustee will care for the truster’s interest (e.g., Hall et al., 2001). Following Dietz (2011), we considered that trust is based on assessing the
other party’s trustworthiness. People generally develop their beliefs and
assessments of trust in genetics and other matters using social experiences and
any technical knowledge they may have (Condit, 2010). A recent study of trust in genetics distinguished
one of two components in the attitudes of the interviewees: (1) the
interpersonal relationships of an individual with healthcare professionals and
(2) a macro level of trust in institutions or systems (Schumann et al., 2021). Some of the participants’ comments recorded in the
survey form suggest the presence of these two components in public levels of
trust. For example, during survey-taking, some participants made the following
comments:
(a) “[Genetics]…
is one of the greatest advances ever made.”
(b) “There is nothing
more credible than genetics.”
(c) “[Genetics]
… is one of the few things still reliable in Argentina.”
(d) “[I
trust it] 99.9 percent.”
(e) “[I
trust it] with a margin of error.”
Most participants
self-assessed their level of trust as medium to high. This might appear as an
expected outcome, possibly related to individual interest and curiosity about
genomics. However, because studies carried out among different populations over
time likewise detected high levels of public trust in genetics (Human Genetics Commission,
2001; Ishiyama et al., 2008; Condit, 2010; Henneman et al.,
2013; Hishiyama et al.,
2019), the medium-to-high
levels of trust among participants in our project could be related to
additional variables that we do not currently understand. Some participants in
our project expressed what researchers have described as “healthy skepticism”
or “selective mistrust” (Schumann et al., 2021) by making, for example, the following comments
during surveytaking:
(a) “It depends on
the quality of the laboratory and the honesty of the professionals.”
(b) “[It
depends on] credibility/reputation.”
(c) “It depends on
what it is used for.”
Comparable to
attitudes of the public engaged in studies on trust in human genomics in the
so-called Global South (de Vries et al., 2014), participants in our project highlighted the
importance of knowing whom to trust when explaining their level of
trustworthiness in geneticists and laboratories. Many of them, during the
initial encounter to discuss the informed consent process, said that they would
consent to participate because our project was a collaborative effort between
faculty and assistants at the local university and researchers based in
universities of the United States. These participants appreciated that our
project was not an entirely “foreign” initiative. Thus, people’s participation
was partially grounded in their trust in local institutions. Other studies of
trust in genetics in different populations over time found that people based
their trust on their previous experiences of trusting local institutions (Human
Genetics Commission, 2001; Ishiyama et al., 2008; Condit, 2010; Moodley and Singh,
2016; Hishiyama et al.,
2019).
Some residents who
declined to participate expressed just the opposite arguments. They said that
the foreign component of our collaborative research team, explained in the
letter of invitation received by all the randomly selected households, made
them feel distrust of our project. A recent study highlighted the importance of
analyzing both mistrust and trust because mistrust points to conditions
considered problematic (Schumann et al., 2021). In this work, participants who expressed misgivings
referred to their interest in not being subjected to “imperialist” attitudes by
research projects funded by scientific institutions in the United States.
Residents who declined to participate also raised concerns about sharing
personal genetic data with the research team. The issue of sharing genetic data
seems to be very controversial everywhere, and people are hesitant, especially
when it comes to sharing genomic data internationally. A review by Majumder et al.,
(2016) indicated that
concerns about misuse of DNA created public distrust and people resisted
participating in projects that could potentially misuse or manipulate their
genetic material. In the Global South, people recalled instances of “helicopter
genetics,” describing occurrences of scientists from developed countries
“descending” on developing countries to carry out research incompatible with
standards of ethics and then using research data without proper credit to local
teams and without sharing benefits with the local populations. Comparable to
what was documented among the public of other countries (Majumder et al.,
2016; Schumann et al., 2021), people’s suspicions in our survey could be
interpreted as political statements, articulated critiques of researchers
employed by private corporations that profit from accessing local genetics
data, or both. In recent literature reviews of empirical studies, reviewers
argued that public understanding of genetic testing evolves over the years, and
populations in different countries often hold particular views about genomics
due to variable exposure to information about genetics and differences in their
public health systems (e.g., Henneman et al., 2013; Chokoshvili et al., 2017; Kvaratskhelia et al., 2021).
The participants in
our study said (usually during the initial meeting to discuss the informed
consent) that they learned Mendelian genetics from elementary through high
school and expanded their understanding of molecular genetics as they advanced
in their education. In the two urban neighborhoods of Luján, people said that
they usually accessed information about genomics through TV programs, the
Internet, print, and social media. Generally, people were familiar with
concepts such as genes and DNA and understood that parents pass hereditary
material to their children. Rather than utilizing linear models of transmission
of information to interpret the process of receiving and processing information
-as was assumed by previous research (e.g., Michael and Carter, 2001; Petersen, 2001; Levitt, 2003)- the participants in those urban neighborhoods in
Argentina, like elsewhere, appear to utilize complex and critical approaches to
handle scientific information, not directly related to formal schooling. As
argued by Bates (2005), formal
schooling would only inform part of the public’s understanding of recent
advances in genetic technology. Typically, people would form their ideas by
critically dealing with messages about genetics seen in news media, popular
television, documentaries, and science-fiction films. Thus, to a large extent,
popular culture, more than formal education, would shape people’s understanding
of genetics. Elaborating on participant’s knowledge of genetics during the initial
meeting to discuss the process of informed consent, several of them mentioned
their awareness of ongoing forensic anthropology investigations to identify the
victims of state repression and the children of missing persons (desaparecidos)
during Argentina’s military dictatorship (1976-1983) (Jelin, 2009; Penchaszadeh, 2011; Guglielmucci, 2013; Kling et al., 2017; Lerman, 2017).
Widespread public awareness of DNA-based forensic genetics research in
Argentina could have contributed to the participants’ self-reported
knowledge/understanding of genetics, regardless of their educational
attainment. Also, wellknown media stories of DNA-based forensic genetic
identification may have contributed to the participants’ self-assessed high
level of trust.
Overall, researchers
in other countries have found no clear statistical patterns connecting people’s
level of genetic knowledge and their attitudes toward genetics. Research and
literature reviews suggest that the effects of education could be contradictory
(Condit, 2010; Etchegary, 2014; Chapman et al.,
2019). Nonetheless,
education continues to be a pertinent demographic variable in field studies
about knowledge and trust in genetics. In our survey, educational attainment
was associated with knowledge, but the association level was low. Some
researchers found that greater knowledge about genetics was correlated with the
level of education and associated with trust in the benefits of genetic testing,
but other studies pointed to the opposite (Bםrף et al., 2020). Highly educated people with considerable knowledge
about science would sometimes express more criticism and be less trusting
about genomic developments than individuals with lower levels of education (Jallinjoa and Aro,
2000). People in the
so-called Global North have expressed skepticism about genetic tests, a
development that Schumann et al. (2021) attribute to the decline of trust in authorities,
experts, and institutions. The rather impressive level of self-assessed trust
in genetics in our survey could instead point to the optimistic acceptance of
science identified by Hall et al. (2001).
A limitation of our
analysis is that with the two questions in our survey we assessed people’s
knowledge of and trust in genetics only among those urban residents who
consented to participate in our project. Further research is needed to examine
responses by other residents in larger randomized samples residing in
neighborhoods with different socioeconomic levels, and in rural locations. We
did not systematically record the census-track location and verbatim opinions
voiced by residents who declined to participate, but we learned about the
reasons expressed by people who were not interested in our project during
regular updates by members of our research team. Moreover, although our initial
intention was to work with a probabilistic sample, the analyzed sample is not
probabilistic. Thus, our inferential analysis of the results must be taken with
caution.
CONCLUSION
Studying the levels
of trust (interpreted as confianza) that people place on genetics and
learning how they selfassessed their knowledge (interpreted as conocimiento)
about genetics are important because shifting individual perspectives may
influence people’s willingness to participate in research projects that
incorporate genetic testing. The 293 responses to the two ten-point Likertscale
questions self-assessing the overall knowledge of genetics and the level of
trust in genetic testing in Argentina, could offer a preliminary baseline to
start developing new research paths for future studies on the topic. Our
analysis leads us to conclude that paying attention to issues of trust and
mistrust in the community could facilitate and improve the process of obtaining
an ethically sound and socially acceptable informed consent for research
projects.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This research has
been evaluated and funded by the U.S. National Science Foundation. It has been
evaluated and approved by the Institutional Review Boards (IRB) at the
University of Tennessee, the University of Oregon, and the University of New
Mexico, as well as by the Comité de Ética de la Región Sanitaria VII Hospital
de Agudos “Dr. Ramón Carrillo.” The anonymized data analyzed here were
collected during a research project in Argentina entitled “A longitudinal study
of the role of expert knowledge in the interpretation and reception of genetic
information”; National Science Foundation, Senior Research Grant Award No.
SES-1354185, period 2014- 2019. All procedures were in accordance with the
ethical standards of the responsible committee on human experimentation and
with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000 (5). Informed consent
was obtained from all participants for being included in the study. We
are grateful for the expert advice provided by Drs. Gustavo Buzai and Noelia
Principi, Laboratorio de Análisis Espacial y Sistemas de Información
Geográfica, Universidad Nacional de Luján. A previous version of this paper benefited from
generous feedback by the participants in a Research Brief organized on February
23, 2021, by Global and International Studies, Western Michigan University.
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